Chinaâ€˜s secret plan to topple the US as the worldâ€™sÂ superpower
[JdN:Â I say ban all Chinese-made CRAPOLA — and buy instead American! How about jobs and decent wages for US?]
In 1995, Michael Pillsbury, an expert on China who has worked with every US president since Nixon and has, he writes, â€œarguably had more access to Chinaâ€™s military and intelligence establishment than any other Westerner,â€ was reading an article written by â€œthree of Chinaâ€™s preeminent military expertsâ€ about â€œnew technologies that would contribute to the defeat of the United States.â€
It was in this article that Pillsbury first saw the term â€œAssassinâ€™s Mace,â€ which refers to a weapon from Chinese folklore that guarantees a small combatant victory over a larger, more powerful opponent.
The article described goals including â€œelectromagnetic combat superiorityâ€ that would allow for â€œnaval victory,â€ and â€œtactical laser weaponsâ€ that would â€œbe used first in anti-missile defense systems.â€ They also discussed jamming and destroying radar and various communications systems, and the use of computer viruses.
In time, Pillsbury began seeing the term â€œAssassinâ€™s Maceâ€ with regularity in Chinese documents.
â€œIn the military context,â€ he writes, â€œAssassinâ€™s Mace refers to a set of asymmetric weapons that allow an inferior power to defeat a seemingly superior adversary by striking at an enemyâ€™s weakest point.â€
At first, Pillsbury writes, he considered these statements aspirational. But as US intelligence analysts translated documents over time, he came to see otherwise. The Assassinâ€™s Mace, he came to believe, was part of a cunning and much broader strategy, a 100-year-long effort to overtake the US as the worldâ€™s superpower.
The point of Assassinâ€™s Mace â€” which, Pillsbury learned, the Chinese were already spending billions of dollars to develop â€” was to â€œmake a generational leap in military capabilities that can trump the conventional forces of Western powers,â€ but to do so incrementally, so that by the time they achieved their goal, it would be too late for the US to respond to, much less reverse.
China duped us
In a sense, the new book â€œThe Hundred-Year Marathonâ€ is Pillsburyâ€™s mea culpa. He readily admits that, as a key influencer of US government policy toward China for the past four decades, he had long been one of many in the federal government pushing the US toward full cooperation with China, including heavy financial and technological support, under the belief that the country was headed in a more democratic, free-market direction.
â€œLooking back, it was painful that I was so gullible,â€ he writes.
Pillsbury notes that he and many other China experts were taught early on to view China as â€œa helpless victim of Western imperialistsâ€ and that as such, assistance should be provided almost unquestioningly.
Now, he says, he has come to consider this view â€” which he now believes came about as a result of intentional deception and misdirection on the part of the Chinese â€” as â€œthe most systemic, significant and dangerous intelligence failure in American history.â€
â€œWe believed that American aid to a fragile China whose leaders thought like us would help China become a democratic and peaceful power without ambitions of . . . global dominance,â€ he writes.
â€œWe underestimated the influence of Chinaâ€™s hawks. Every one of the assumptions behind that belief was wrong â€” dangerously so.â€
â€œFor decades,â€ Pillsbury adds, â€œthe US government has freely handed over sensitive information, technology, military know-how, intelligence and expert advice to the Chinese. Indeed, so much has been provided for so long that . . . there is no full accounting. And what we havenâ€™t given the Chinese, theyâ€™ve stolen.â€
A superpower by 2049
Part of what Pillsbury sees as Americaâ€™s naivetÃ© on the issue derived from fundamental misunderstandings about the nature of Chinese culture.
Pillsbury now believes that since the time of Mao Zedong, China has been engaged in an effort to establish China as the worldâ€™s premier superpower by 2049, the 100th anniversary of the Communist Revolution.
The reason this has been so little known, he says, is that the Chinese consider physical battles just one minor aspect of warfare. Chinaâ€™s main weapon, he says, is deception â€” the constant appearance of achieving less than they really have and needing our help more than they actually do.
Pillsbury believes this philosophyâ€™s origins derive from a book â€” the title of which translates to â€œThe General Mirror for the Aid of Governmentâ€ â€” that Mao brought with him on his long march in the 1930s. Described as â€œa statecraft manual with lessons from history that have no Western counterpart,â€ one section of the book â€œcenters on stratagems of the Warring States period in China, and includes stories and maxims dating as far back as 4000 BC.â€
Included in these are lessons on â€œhow to use deception, how to avoid encirclement by opponents and how a rising power should induce complacency in the old hegemon until the right moment.â€
Mao, it turned out, read this book many times while ruling China, as did subsequent leaders. Chinese students even use passages from it in their writing lessons.
Pillsbury believes that Chinaâ€™s actions since just after World War II are derived from this book and that theyâ€™re working just as intended.
â€œOne of the biggest mistakes made by American experts on China was not taking this book seriously,â€ Pillsbury writes, noting that â€œit was never translated into English,â€ and that the US didnâ€™t begin grasping its possible importance until the 1990s.
Pillsbury believes China has strategically positioned itself as a nation in great need of our help since the 1960s, noting that contrary to popular belief, President Richard Nixonâ€™s opening to China in the â€™70s was initiated by China, not the US.
During early meetings between Mao and Nixon, Mao pushed for the two countries to work together against the Soviet threat, with Mao urging the US to â€œcreate an anti-Soviet axis that would include Europe, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, and Japan.â€
â€œA counterencirclement of the Soviet hegemon was a classic Warring States approach,â€ Pillsbury writes. â€œWhat the Americans missed was that it was not a permanent Chinese policy preference, but only expedient cooperation among two Warring States.â€
As Deng Xiaoping came to greater power in China in the late 1970s, America rejoiced, believing him a reform-minded moderate. Pillsbury, though, says that behind the scenes, he was far more hard-line.
Believing that China had erred in following the Soviet economic model and that the country had â€œfailed to extract all they couldâ€ from the Soviet relationship, â€œDeng would not make the same mistake with the Americans.â€
â€œHe saw that the real way for China to make progress in the Marathon was to obtain knowledge and skills from the United States,â€ Pillsbury writes. â€œIn other words, China would come from behind and win the marathon by stealthily drawing most of its energy from the complacent American front-runner.â€
In the decades to come, Pillsbury believes, America helped build Chinaâ€™s economy and military while unknowingly following the Warring States script. (He admits that it was he, in a 1975 article in Foreign Policy, who first â€œadvocated military ties between the United States and China,â€ and that the idea had been proposed to him by officers in the Chinese military.)
Following a Warring States philosophy of tricking your opponent into doing your work for you, Deng knew that technology would be the driver for building the Chinese economy and â€œbelieved that the only way China could pass the United States as an economic power was through massive scientific and technological development. An essential shortcut would be to take what the Americans already had.â€
Meeting with President Carter in 1978, Deng arranged for what would become 19,000 Chinese science students to study here, and Deng and Carter reached an agreement for the US to provide China with â€œthe greatest outpouring of American scientific and technological expertise in history.â€
Under President Reagan, for whom Pillsbury served as a foreign policy advisor, the Pentagon agreed to â€œsell advanced air, ground, naval and missile technology to the Chinese to transform the Peopleâ€™s Liberation Army into a world-class fighting force,â€ later including â€œnuclear cooperation and development . . . to expand Chinaâ€™s military and civilian nuclear programs.â€ Reagan also assisted in Chinaâ€™s development of industries such as â€œintelligent robotics, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, lasers, supercomputers, space technology and manned spaceflight.â€
â€œBefore long,â€ Pillsbury writes, â€œthe Chinese had made significant progress on more than 10,000 projects, all heavily dependent on Western assistance and all crucial to Chinaâ€™s Marathon strategy.â€ Similar assistance has continued to this day.
All along, Pillsbury writes, China secretly continued to view us as a tyrant, so much so that â€œstarting in 1990, Chinese textbooks were rewritten to depict the United States as a hegemon that, for more than 150 years, had tried to stifle Chinaâ€™s rise and destroy the soul of Chinese civilization.â€
In time, Pillsbury would come to believe that, despite a great amount of American assistance to China over the years, the Chinese people never saw or read anything positive about America.
Two days after 9/11, Pillsbury writes, â€œtwo [Chinese] colonels were interviewed for a Chinese Communist Party newspaper and said of the attacks that they could be â€˜favorable to Chinaâ€™ and were proof that America was vulnerable to attack through nontraditional methods.â€
Looking ahead, Pillsbury quotes a RAND Corporation study as saying that China will have â€œmore than $1 trillionâ€ to spend on their military through 2030. This â€œpaints a picture of near parity, if not outright Chinese military superiority, by mid-century.â€
Baring their teeth
The Warring States strategy advises the underdog to keep its intentions secret until sufficient power against the hegemon is both strong and irreversible. Then, it should show its teeth.Pillsbury says that Chinaâ€™s rapid economic rise has led to the beginnings of this stage. He cites how in 2009, when President Obama attended a climate change summit in Copenhagen, there was â€œa significant shift in the public tone of Chinese officialsâ€ that included â€œuncharacteristic rudeness,â€ including the organization of a secret meeting with other countries about blocking US initiatives that excluded the president. (He and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Pillsbury says, crashed the meeting.)
During visits to the country over the past three years, Pillsbury says he has seen a stark shift in Chinaâ€™s attitude toward the US. Chinese scholars heâ€™s known for decades, he says, have long denied any sort of â€œChinese-led world order.â€ Now, they are showing a sudden brash willingness to admit to what Pillsbury believes is Chinaâ€™s true intent. â€œThe hard truth,â€ Pillsbury writes, â€œis that Chinaâ€™s leaders see America as an enemy in a global struggle they plan on winning.â€
Finally! Muslim countries allow women to DRIVE!
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